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Editorial Reviews. Review. Fascinating and interesting [chapters] by a stellar cast of largely China Today, China Tomorrow: Domestic Politics, Economy, and Society - Kindle edition by Joseph Fewsmith, Edward A. Cunningham, Sebastian .
Table of contents
- The Political Economy of Noncompliance in China: the case of industrial energy policy
- Zitate pro Jahr
- China Today, China Tomorrow : Joseph Fewsmith :
- Popular Protest: Playing by the Rules
Although many observers speculate that a slowing economy or domestic crisis could precipitate international conflict as a convenient diversion, economic downturns have often meant less rather than more Chinese adventurism, with the leadership preoccupied with resolving challenges at home. Domestic troubles can also produce more rather than less international cooperation.
Intense air pollution and domestic outcry, for example, have galvanized China to leap to the forefront of global efforts to develop green technology and combat climate change. In short, domestic politics matter in ways that have been insufficiently appreciated and documented. Chinese leaders have confirmed these foreign and domestic goals and views since at least the May Fourth Movement. In addition, the importance in the modern era of a centralized and singular Leninist Party-army structure and ideology to the creation of a unified Chinese state, the experiences of the Korean War, both real and imagined U.
Moreover, the strong Chinese recognition, in the post-revolutionary era, of the crucial importance of global markets and access to global resources to national power have resulted in a strong stress on foreign economic and technological competitiveness through both statist industrial policies and free-market mechanisms.
All of this is fairly straightforward. The difficulties in gauging long-term Chinese foreign policy goals actually relate more to means than ends. None of the above goals and features of P. Of course, if one believes, from the standpoint of theory or a reading of world history, that such goals can only be met through hegemonic control, as opposed to balances of power and mutual reassurances, then China, as any other great nation, will seek preeminence.
I do not share that view. More importantly, there is nothing in authoritative Chinese statements or documents since at least the s and very little in Chinese actions that clearly confirm such a goal. The stated Chinese goals of becoming a world leader in key technologies, protecting or advancing its regional sovereignty claims, and reducing its vulnerability to threats to its homeland do not constitute decisive proof of a desire for global preeminence. Although the United States under the Trump foreign policy is moving in this direction, we are not there yet.
Formally articulated goals, such as those set out in the Chinese Communist Party C. At the same time, with each successive national leader, the C. Language introduced to the C. Goals laid out in the C. China has already begun that process, now headquartering two new development banks on its shores, innovating new regional groupings, and challenging prevailing interpretations of international laws.
Global power and influence—both material and cultural—are thus goals China clearly pursues, but so far at least, preeminence is not the measure of achievement. China is one such example. Everything else comes under this overarching goal.
The Political Economy of Noncompliance in China: the case of industrial energy policy
It is wrong to assume that China seeks global hegemony or dominance in Asia. It is also wrong to assume that China wants to drive the United States out of Asia. Of course, in the process of achieving the China dream, China might end up being the dominant power in Asia. China does not have the DNA to be an expansionist power. The second priority is economic development.
- Pitch (German Edition)!
- Popular Protest: Playing by the Rules | Elizabeth J. Perry.
- Die Waldschmerzklinik (German Edition).
- Refurbishing State Capitalism: A Policy Analysis of Efforts to Rebalance China's Political Economy?
- The Age of Awakening?
By many standards, China is still a developing country or advanced developing country. China may join the club of developed nations by , but until then it will be preoccupied with its domestic challenges. Lastly, China would like to achieve global influence, like any other major power. But this is not a top priority. The outside world can shape how China interacts with the international order. If it mistakenly views China as an expansionist power and seeks to contain its rise, China will be forced to respond—sometimes violently. In the meantime, China should become more transparent and follow global rules of trade and governance.
At the end of the day, it can only prosper in a peaceful and orderly world.
Zitate pro Jahr
Can we take the Chinese Communist Party C. I think the answer is yes. Leadership speeches, Party Congress and plenary reports, and five-year plans set the parameters of policy discussion and provide the ends and ways to which policy means must be tied. Diana Fu and Greg Distelhorst. The first article to systematically assess what has changed under Xi, and just as importantly what has not.
Is China really more repressive now than before? How do we know? Dickson, Bruce J. New York: Cambridge University Press. Using original surveys of private business owners and government officials, it provides an insightful analysis of how the Party adapts to changing economic environments to co-opt new business elites, the political beliefs and behaviors of private entrepreneurs, and the government-business relations in China. Donaldson, John A.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
China Today, China Tomorrow : Joseph Fewsmith :
This book, which examines poverty alleviation in Yunnan and Guizhou, speaks to important, widely discussed debates about the political economy of development. It is also just an excellent example of how to do subnational comparative research on China.
Duara, Prasenjit. Stanford: Stanford University Press. This book contributes to our understanding of state-society relations and state-building in China. The nexus is composed of hierarchal and intersecting organizations and informal networks, including marketing communities, lineage groups, irrigation associations, and temple societies.
These organizations are infused with norms and symbols that provide meaning to their members, such as reciprocity, kinship bonds, ritual and religious belief. The cultural nexus serves as the framework that structures access to power and resources in local society as well as provides legitimacy and stability for the imperial state. Ultimately, the integrity of the nexus was undermined by the modernizing state.
Economy, Elizabeth. It is unfortunate that political scientists and public policy experts are often talking past each other. To fill this hole, graduate students need to learn how Washington sees China. Esherick, Joseph W. This is a rich and insightful analysis of the Tiananmen student movement. It can be used to motivate student discussion about political culture. Fei, Xiaotong, Gary G. Hamilton, and Wang Zheng.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Popular Protest: Playing by the Rules
Arkush, R. Fei Xiaotong and Sociology in Revolutionary China. Cambridge, MA. In thinking about state-society and party-bureaucracy relations, I continue to draw inspiration from his insights. Fravel, M. Friedberg, Aaron L. An excellent, fair-minded survey of the range of views about the prospects for the bilateral relationship that explicitly connects IR scholarship about China with the most important strands of IR theory.
It also helpfully considers variations within these approaches and what they suggest about US-China relations. Though published in , the theoretical comparisons remain relevant and provide a jumping off point for discussion about how US-China relations have changed and which theories have proven most helpful for understanding events since the early s. Gallagher, Mary E. The article has three main strengths that are exceptionally useful to teach students on politics of globalization in China.
Third, it offers a well-structured comparative discussion of economic reforms in Soviet, Hungary, South Korea, and Taiwan. Although most of the human beings have historically and geographically lived under authoritarian rule, majority of the studies in political science have focused on politics in democratic countries. Studies on Chinese politics may fill this hole by putting their works in the perspectives of comparative authoritarianism.